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Oncology teaching in Australian medical schools: opportunities for patient-centred change

Abstract

Introduction: Given the prevalence of cancer and its multidisciplinary and increasingly personalised treatments, this group of diseases is an ideal vehicle for teaching medicine and medical care. The teaching of oncology in medical school environments is of paramount importance to the skill sets and efficacy of future doctors. But do we do it well, and could we do it better?

Discussion: Oncology education in medical schools in Australia and abroad is explored through a personal lens, a qualitative survey, and a literature review in this article. First, the author reflects on his own experience of oncology education as a cancer survivor and third-year medical student. Qualitative data from a survey of medical students at one institution provide insight into the potential benefit of increased exposure to people living with cancer while in medical school. Australia’s andragogic oncological landscape is critically evaluated, and opportunities for change are proposed.

Introduction

As a cancer survivor, the frightening experience of a cancer diagnosis is something I intimately understand. Cancer remains the major cause of mortality in Australia and many cancers still have very high mortality rates [1]. One in two Australians will be diagnosed with a cancer before the age of 85. In 2016, it was estimated that 130,466 people were diagnosed with cancer [2] and 46,880 people died from cancer. In this same year, 384,593 Australians reported living with cancer [2].

Despite large volumes of research, it is a disease that continues to kill indiscriminately and its treatment inflicts harsh side effects during therapy and late toxicities in survivorship. The contradictory way that the causes of cancer are communicated and the complexity of the disease all contribute to a fear of cancer. Medical students are not immune to this fear and many develop additional anxiety about cancer throughout their university training. Cancer, for medical students, is a complex disease process, often of unfamiliar and unknown aetiology. It challenges our understanding of genetics, anatomy, physiology, therapeutics, psychology, and public health. As a major health burden, all doctors and medical students should possess a foundational understanding of cancer screening, the pathophysiology underpinning its signs and symptoms, principles of diagnosis and cancer treatment, and appreciate the importance of multidisciplinary care. Simultaneously, doctors require the confidence to effectively and empathetically facilitate conversations with patients and their families about the diagnosis of cancer, fear and grief, prognosis, side-effects, palliative care, and end-of-life planning [3-5].

Reflections from a cancer survivor and their learning community

During my first two years of medical school, I was surprised to not once encounter a cancer advocate or patient as part of my learning. This was surprising because patient narratives and engagement are regarded as central to medical education. Early exposure in preclinical years to cancer patients and oncology content has been shown to improve communication confidence and increase empathy towards cancer patients [6].

I am open about my stage-three colorectal cancer journey [7] and it felt natural to share my lived experience with my problem-based learning team of seven other students during first year. Learning about cancer within this context I believe benefited me and my colleagues. Their questions and knowledge allowed me to conceptualise my own experience in new ways, and helped me retain a greater amount of the material encountered during oncology cases. The prevalence of cancer and growing incidence of certain cancers in young adults means medical students will be increasingly confronted by cancer in some way during their learning. This should be embraced by medical curricula and extracurricular structures as a strategy to create more rewarding oncology learning environments that draw on lived experience within medical cohorts (when appropriate) and cancer groups in the wider community.

When in second year, I asked members of my first-year problem-based learning group to reflect on their experience of learning about cancer alongside me. At my medical school, we have traditional lectures, occasional workshops, and frequent tutorials with a problem-based learning group. Its membership remains the same for the academic year. Oncology is not taught as a block, but is weaved throughout the curriculum. There were no specific tutorials or workshops on oncology, but from time to time discussion in my tutorial group would turn to oncology and my experience and we would have involved discussions together.

An eight-item survey was distributed via SurveyMonkey to the seven other members (average age 24 years old; five females and two males) of the learning unit in April 2016 and data was anonymously collected from five respondents (two colleagues did not provide data for reasons I did not ascertain to protect anonymity). Closed questions concerned the quality of oncology teaching (for example: Do you believe the amount of oncology education provided by the school’s current curriculum is ideal? and Would you have liked more contact with cancer survivors last year?) and learning about cancer alongside a cancer survivor (for example: Was your cancer learning experience advantaged, disadvantaged or unaltered by the presence of someone in your problem-based learning group with direct lived experience with cancer?). Two questions asked students to list the topics they believed they would be most comfortable with when entering hospital and which format for learning about oncology was the most appreciated (for example: lectures, workshops, or tutorials). Two open questions asked for opinions on the role of cancer consumers in education and any other reflections related to oncology education.

Overall, students reported that contact with a colleague living with cancer was transformative, broadened their understanding of oncology, and helped form connections between the biological and humanistic aspects of cancer (Table 1). All five respondents indicated that their cancer learning experience had been positively influenced by the presence of a cancer survivor, and four of the five respondents indicated they would have preferred more contact with cancer survivors in their first year of medicine.

Table 1. Responses from five members of the same problem-based learning group reflecting on their cancer education experience learning alongside a cancer survivor.

This small sample is neither robust nor generalisable, but these qualitative impressions demonstrate that early exposure to cancer survivors in a medical education environment was a transformative experience for these preclinical students. Given the nature of this survey, sources of bias are numerous and include the sample size, familiarity between myself and the subjects, that the benefits are self-reported only, and that the survey was done several months after the problem-based group was dissolved. However, learning alongside me and hearing about my disease informally throughout the year created patterns of change seen in more robust assessments of oncology educational experiences discussed below.

Given the benefits of early patient contact, why is contact with cancer patients not standard practice in medical schools? To address this question, this article evaluates the historical development and current status of oncology teaching more broadly.

The evolution of oncology teaching

The education of medical students must change over time in response to the changing needs of patients, society, and governments. Cancer education for Australian medical students has a history of responding and adapting to external drivers of change. In 1988, Cancer Council Australia released guidelines for core competencies for medical graduates and called for compulsory oncology education in all medical schools [3]. These guidelines were reviewed and amended as the Ideal Oncology Curriculum for Medical Schools in 1999 and in 2007 by the Oncology Education Committee [3]. Over the same period, a call for a foundation oncology curriculum in Europe was made in 1989. The independent International Union Against Cancer released a paper on oncology curricula in 1994 and an Australian Government inquiry into breast cancer in 1995 concluded that medical schools should urgently develop curricula enabling students to better acquire knowledge about the diagnosis and management of cancer [3].

Medical schools have undergone significant changes in the last decade, including growth in graduate-entry medical degrees, problem-based curricula, student-directed learning, and integrated content. Despite the increasing agility of medical schools to adopt improved teaching and learning models for oncology [5,8-10], assessments of medical students’ understanding of oncology have consistently found knowledge and skill deficits [5,10-16]. The curriculum is crowded, medicine grows more complex, and the volume of information available about a given topic is now unmanageable. This is on a background of a general fear of cancer that many students likely possess. The disjunction between students’ knowledge of cancer and the knowledge they are expected to have remains an active and rich research space in Australia and globally.

What should medical students know about cancer?

While the diagnosis of cancer is usually confirmed by oncologists, the responsibility for facilitating screening and detection remains primarily in the domain of general practitioners (GPs). GPs also provide the majority of general health care for cancer-diagnosed patients [17]. The role of the GP in cancer care and long-term follow-up is growing due to increasing cancer incidence and survivorship, the shift towards defining cancer as a chronic disease, and proposed policy changes aimed at restoring GPs as the keystone of chronic disease management [17-19]. Although approximately half of Australian medical graduates go on to train as GPs, access to oncology training is limited outside of specialist oncologist training programs. Thus, effective oncology training during medical school is of paramount importance in establishing an appropriate skill set for internship and beyond. Further, as the numbers of cancer survivors and people living with cancer grow, cancer care and support issues will impact an increasing number of specialists outside of oncology.

The role of medical curricula is to prepare students for their first year after university as interns. However, what students should know by this point will differ depending on the views of various stakeholders. From a patient perspective, medical graduates need to be able to recognise and identify cancer, understand treatments, engage in discussion around the psychosocial implications of cancer, and appreciate the roles of different health professionals involved in cancer journeys. From a senior doctor perspective, medical graduates should understand history-taking and examination, red flag symptoms, screening and diagnosis, treatment modalities and goals, chronic care needs, communication, and ethics [5,20]. From a public health perspective, medical graduates should understand the principles and guidelines for cancer prevention, screening and detection, and the relationships between cancer prevalence, demography, and geography [5,20]. Last but not least, medical graduates have expectations of their own cancer knowledge: they expect to know about cancer prevention, patterns of cancer prevalence, and the signs and symptoms of cancer. They also strive to effectively communicate with cancer patients, and be up-to-date on the principles of surgery, chemotherapy, immunotherapy, and radiotherapy.

Trends in the cancer knowledge of medical graduates

Two major surveys of Australian medical graduates’ attitudes and understanding of cancer were conducted in 1990 and 2001 [4,13]. According to these samples, students in 2001 had more exposure to palliative care and radiation oncology and better knowledge about breast cancer over other cancer types [4]. Procedural-based skills such as performing a Papanicolaou smear and analysing a pigmented skin lesion worsened, but breast examination competency and an understanding of screening guidelines for cervical cancer improved [4]. In the eleven years between surveys, the number of students who felt dissatisfied with the teaching of curable versus non-curable cancer management grew, while the number of students reporting little or no skills in discussing death with dying patients fell [4].

Overseas, a survey of medical graduates in the UK in 2005 found that only 61% of students completed a clinical attachment or special module in oncology, three-quarters would have liked more teaching on oncology, namely radiotherapy, chemotherapy, and symptom management, and only 40% felt prepared to care for cancer patients [14]. Evaluation of American medical graduates found that many lacked knowledge on cancer prevention and history-taking, alongside an unpreparedness to care for cancer patients [5]. In Canada, a 2011 survey found that only half of medical schools taught oncology as a separate topic [11]. It also found that 67% of final-year students felt that oncology education was inadequate and the most poorly taught subject at medical school, a sentiment shared by curriculum committees, residents, and training program managers alike [11].

How can we better teach and learn about cancer?

Medical school oncology education has suffered, and in many places continues to suffer, from neglect, fragmentation, a narrow scope, under-resourcing, and inconsistency between curricula and schools [5,21]. Despite acknowledgement almost 30 years ago of the need for common oncology teaching based on shared principles and standardised learning objectives, disparity in oncology education remains the norm [21,22]. Debate persists around the role of oncologists as educators within medical schools, and how much focus there should be on oncology at medical school. The degree to which oncology should be integrated into curricula [22] or taught as blocks of content is also disputed [23]. Despite a lack of congruence amongst medical oncology teaching, methods to improve oncology teaching have emerged from medical schools around the world.

Standardisation of objectives and curricula
Guidelines for cancer education by medical schools have existed in Australia since 1999 [3]. While these are criticised for not presenting specific learning objectives according for each stage of a medical degree [5], the guidelines are an excellent summary of cancer education objectives that are both patient-centred and skills-oriented. Indeed, Australia should be proud of its national oncology education framework for medical school teaching, as this has yet to be achieved in the United Kingdom [20], Canada [11], or the United States [24].

Teaching methods and resources
Active learning techniques such as problem-based and team-based learning [9] and information technologies are now a common feature of many medical schools. A recent assessment of oncology education across 130 medical schools in the United States found widespread use of case-based learning, online resources, and virtual laboratories; lectures continued to be the dominant form of teaching in all schools [12]. This and other studies demonstrate that medical schools are modernising the methods they use to teach oncology, albeit slowly and despite the predominately online learning styles of medical students [25,26]. Whether newer teaching methods result in improved learning outcomes for medical graduates remains under-evaluated. However, examples of high-yield oncology education strategies are growing and include e-learning oncology modules [27], short clinical oncology modules [28], cancer centre-hosted research programs [8], and summer schools [21].

Use of an oncology textbook remains variable across medical schools. In a Canadian survey of the oncology learning needs of final-year medical students, 89% would have preferred a textbook or web book dedicated to oncology learning objectives [11]. A standard oncology textbook is not recommended across Australian medical schools. However, Clinical Oncology for Medical Students, an e-book produced by faculty representatives across Australian and New Zealand medical schools, is recommended by some institutions and accessible for all medical students to download online [29].

While most Australian medical schools have adopted the concept of learning communities [9], Brazil has expanded student-led and team-focused learning and developed a system of academic leagues with implications for oncology education [30]. The oncology leagues are designed to instil broad knowledge and foster leadership, entrepreneurialism, and learning by engaging in research days, outreach, fundraising, and charitable work [30].

Contact with people living with cancer
Contact with cancer patients is defined as a core clinical experience in the Ideal Oncology Curriculum [3]. However, in Australia, medical student exposure to cancer patients declined from 1990 to 2001 [13]. This is concerning because the need for greater engagement with cancer patients consistently emerges as a theme in surveys of medical graduates, and exposure to cancer patients and hospices is correlated with self-assessments of preparedness for internship [14]. Further, from my small sample of fellow students in my problem-based learning group, contact with me while learning about cancer was beneficial and transformative.

Exposure to patients and advocates is essential to medical school education, and this is particularly the case with oncology because of its complexity, interdisciplinary nature, chronicity, and psychosocial impacts. Solid preclinical and clinical exposure to cancer patients directly assists in the acquisition of skills such as communication, and indirectly via contextualisation and personalisation of the disease [6]. While consumer engagement can be formal and didactic, other models like learning leagues provide the freedom to focus on patient-centred activities such as outreach, education, and support [30]. Since many of the skills needed to understand cancer and communicate with people living with cancer are transferable to other diseases and contexts, investing in better oncology teaching would likely yield benefits across the board for our junior doctors.

Conclusion

The growth in cancer incidence, treatment complexity, and survivorship has resulted in a large amount of discussion about the cancer education of medical students. Calls for medical curricula to remain agile to the shifting needs of cancer patients and communities have echoed widespread concern about the knowledge gaps and unpreparedness of medical graduates to examine, communicate with, and manage cancer patients. Early efforts to standardise oncology learning objectives have largely been resolved in Australia, and medical curricula are slowly adopting newer teaching and learning strategies. However, the exposure of medical students to cancer patients remains unsatisfactory in medical schools in Australia and around the world. In addition, data about what medical graduates understand about cancer should be updated nationally. Building on the existing case-based approach and role of narrative in medical education by drawing upon the well-developed networks of cancer consumers is one way of enhancing the learning outcomes of medical students, but it cannot take place in isolation. Any assessment of oncology education needs to occur alongside a larger discussion about curriculum inclusion, streamlining, and factors accounting for underperforming disciplines such as oncology. For example, there does not appear to be a good rationale for, say, the emphasis on cardiovascular diseases and interventions over cancer at medical school, when heart disease and cancer are both leading causes of mortality and morbidity. Future work will need to identify and then explain differences between subject domains for true medical curriculum reform to begin.
Acknowledgements
Thank you to Professor Alexander Heriot, Dr Ben Ticehurst and Annie Miller for constructive feedback on an earlier version of this article, and the reviewers for constructive suggestions during the review process.

Conflict of interest
None declared.

References

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Categories
Original Research Articles

Medical students in Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services: identifying the factors involved in successful placements for staff and students

Abstract

Background: To identify the facilitators and barriers to positive medical student placements at Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs).

Materials and Methods: A total of 15 focused interviews were conducted with medical students from Victorian universities and staff from two Victorian ACCHSs. Staff and students were asked about their expectations of students’ placements; the learning outcomes for students; the structural elements that have an influence on student placements; and the overall benefits and challenges of placements within these settings. This data was then thematically analysed.

Results: The study found that student placements in ACCHSs were of benefit to both the student and the organisation. However, areas for improvement were identified, including avenues for administrative assistance from universities in managing placements and clarifying expectations with regard to learning objectives. Overall, it was the opinion of participants that placements in this setting should be encouraged as a means of medical and cultural education.

Conclusion: The study contributes to building an understanding of the elements that lead to good practice in student placement design, and developing relationships between medical schools and ACCHSs. The study provides grounding for further research into the development of a framework for assisting successful student placements in the ACCHS setting.

 

Introduction

Medical education can be a powerful tool for social reform [1]. The teaching that occurs within medical schools, and the manner and context in which it is delivered, has the potential to influence the practice of future doctors and have an effect on addressing social inequities. One of the greatest heath inequities in Australia is between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians [2].

In an effort to address this health disparity, there has been increasing emphasis on the teaching and learning of Indigenous health issues in medical schools within Australia, with a range of initiatives guiding the development and improvement of the medical curriculum and associated activities [3,4]. One of the most significant is the inclusion in 2006 of Indigenous health in the Australian Medical Council’s guidelines for Assessment and Accreditation of Medical Schools [5]. An important element of the Standards for Accreditation is the emphasis on offering student placements in Aboriginal Community Controlled settings and the development of relationships between medical schools and Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services (ACCHSs) to facilitate this (see Standards 1.6.2 (regarding effective community partnerships) and 8.3.3 (regarding exposure to culturally competent healthcare) [6].

Student placements in such a setting offer an opportunity for students to develop cultural competency in the area of Indigenous health. This was outlined in the National Best Practice Framework for Indigenous Cultural Competency in Australian Universities as a critical area of need, and defined as:

“Student and staff knowledge and understanding of Indigenous Australian cultures, histories and contemporary realities and awareness of Indigenous protocols, combined with the proficiency to engage and work effectively in Indigenous contexts congruent to the expectations of Indigenous Australian peoples [7]”.

While ACCHSs have played host to medical students for some time, there has been little formal research regarding ACCHS as a setting for student placements, locally or at other universities across Australia [8-11]. The purpose of this study is to investigate the key facilitators and barriers to positive medical student placements in this sector.

 

Methods and analysis

Participants for this research included Victorian medical students who had completed a placement at an ACCHS and staff members of Victorians ACCHSs who had been involved in medical student placements. Students were recruited on a voluntary basis by responding to an electronic noticeboard announcement. ‘Snowball’ sampling was also employed. A total of seven student interviews were recorded. Of these, six had been involved in placements in ACCHSs, and one in a remote Aboriginal community government-run health service. The duration of placements ranged from one to six weeks, and were conducted in ACCHSs located across Australia in Queensland, Victoria, New South Wales, Western Australia, and the Northern Territory.

The ACCHSs involved in this study were all located in Victoria and selected on the basis of having a pre-existing relationship with the University of Melbourne. Each organisation provided approval for involvement in the research following internal protocols, and staff members were nominated by the ACCHSs on the basis of their direct involvement in medical student placements. A total of eight interviews were conducted with the staff members from Victorian ACCHSs.

Data for this project was collected through a series of one-on-one semi-structured interviews with participants, conducted by the first author, either in workplaces of participants or university campus interview rooms. Interviewees understood the context and purpose of the research, as explained prior to interviews. Interview questions focused on the benefits and challenges both groups experienced during student placements at the services. Transcripts were returned to participants for comment and correction.

The data gathered from the transcribed interviews was arranged according to questions asked, and then further under thematic headings. Shared themes were derived from the data, without use of supportive software.

This project was conducted as part of the Scholarly Selective program of the University of Melbourne Doctor of Medicine. The first author at time of writing was a fourth-year postgraduate medical student, supervised by two experienced researchers. Ethics approval for this project was obtained through School of Population and Global Health Human Ethics Advisory Group of the University of Melbourne (approval no. 1443395).

 

Results

In total, 15 interviews were recorded for this research. All students were studying medicine at universities in Victoria. The ACCHS placements were undertaken as either GP placements or electives. Staff from the ACCHSs had a variety of roles including general practitioner, nurse, Aboriginal health worker, medical director, clinical director, and executive director of health services. Points of discussion arising from the data fell largely under six major themes:

  • Student exposure
  • Burden on health services
  • Interpersonal value
  • Community benefits
  • Educational value
  • Student engagement

All participants, on direct questioning, agreed that medical student placements in ACCHSs are important. The data was, therefore, considered on the basis that there is strong support from both students and staff to make these placements a positive and constructive experience for all.

Student exposure

A strong theme that emerged from the responses of both groups was that these placements offered medical students practical exposure to Indigenous health, culture, and community, with several students stating that they offered an important insight into Indigenous health that was not possible through theoretical teachings delivered elsewhere in the curriculum:

“I mean, you hear it, you read it, and so you know it superficially, but when you’re sitting in front of multiple people who can tell you the details of their story, you get a much better understanding as to why these families have had opportunities denied to them” (Student 6).

Students and staff also recognised that placements provided an opportunity to teach students about the ACCHS model of healthcare, which involves not only the delivery of medical services, but also health prevention, social outreach and advocacy programs that address the social determinants of health [12-15]. For one Aboriginal health worker, the value lies in teaching the principles of self-determination upon which ACCHS are founded [15]:    

“I just like the fact that they’re in our setting, our community, and learning from us, not being told by someone else that this is how it is” (Staff member 6).

Community benefits

Staff and students cited the potential benefits for Indigenous communities, such as recruiting medical staff and strengthening ties between the medical profession and Indigenous communities, as a primary benefit of student placements:

“… we see it as an opportunity to expose people to what it’s like working in Aboriginal health, and that helps us with recruitment” (Staff member 8).

Several staff and students commented on the role of placements to promote awareness of ACCHSs amongst the medical community, thereby increasing the likelihood of referrals and support for the services:

“… it’s very good for the organisation and the community to see that students come here to learn because it gives them the message that this is a place of excellence … I think that builds confidence on their part in the service” (Staff member 8).

In addition, placements provided ACCHSs and their patients the opportunity to engage in the medical education process:

“… it makes medical education more transparent for Aboriginal people … and in turn I think that has the potential to create more trust between the patient and the doctor in Aboriginal health centres” (Student 6).

Participants also saw that placements could have a broader impact on the healthcare system outside of the ACCHS setting, in that the students who have had this experience would go on to work in practices and hospitals across the country in a more culturally appropriate way. As such, these placements are “… seeding the medical workforce with people who have some understanding and experience in Aboriginal health” (Staff member 4).

Burden on health services

Participants recognised that the administrative and organisational duties required for placements were very time-consuming, and that supervising students put pressure on practitioners’ time, increasing delays for patients and overall demand on the practice. The administrative duties for ACCHS staff include scheduling time for teaching, co-ordinating the student’s timetable to allow them to spend time in various parts of the organisation, and working through requests for placements from different universities and faculties.

Many of the challenges that students experienced in their placements related to how well the organisation was able to handle these tasks. This was, as several students noted, a feature of clinical placements that is not unique to the ACCHS setting. Challenges for some students included an apparent lack of structure to the placement, staff being unaware in advance of the student’s arrival, finding the clinic to be underprepared for the student or understaffed, or doctors simply not having the time available to teach the student. As one student commented, the service was, “… definitely very welcoming … but they were very space-limited and time-limited in terms of how much attention they can pay to students” (Student 6).

Several students mentioned the value of a careful introduction and orientation to the practice as a way of helping students to feel comfortable in the new environment, and as a result, improving student engagement and relieving some of the administrative stress on the organisation:

“If the host organisation gives a good introduction to the student, it will be easier for them right the way through the placement because the student will know what they’re doing and where they fit, so they won’t be constantly having to direct them” (Student 6).

Educational value

Responses in regards to the education value of the placement varied both between and within the two groups. Most staff at the ACCHSs were generally very happy with the educational experience they provided, not only in terms of general practice knowledge, but also holistic care, community medicine, and Aboriginal culture. Several staff, however, recognised that the emphasis placed on cultural and holistic care may not have been in line with what students expected from placements:

“… I don’t know if they come with that same perspective of the holistic model of care … yes, the clinical side is important, but that’s not the whole reason why they’re coming to [ACCHS]s” (Staff member 2).

Conversely, some of the staff interviewed said that some students were surprised by the degree of emphasis placed on the general practice aspect of the placement.

While all students reported that the placement had been a valuable learning experience, more than half of those interviewed commented that in terms of examinable material for a general practice rotation, the ACCHS placement was perhaps not as rewarding as a placement in a ‘mainstream’ practice:

“I don’t think I learned a lot of examinable material” (Student 3).

One student noted the fact that the longer consultations, which staff regarded as a virtue, meant fewer patients were seen, and the opportunity for learning through repetition was diminished on a purely quantitative basis.

In contrast to the opinions of some of their peers, several students stated explicitly that they believed the educational experience was better for being in an ACCHS setting, and many said that the cultural and community teachings had enriched their learning.

“I can only say that I think if anything it was an advantage because not only did I get the clinical experience I also got the community, social aspect of it as well which might be harder to grasp if you hadn’t done that” (Student 1).

This discrepancy in opinions to some extent reflects a differing of expectations both within the student group and between the students and staff.

Student engagement

Participants were asked what they defined as a ‘successful’ placement. Responses from students varied, and largely focused on basic principles of medical education such as patient contact and fulfilling the curriculum requirements, but also included having clear expectations and an orientation to the ACCHS.

While staff responses also varied, the majority of comments related to student engagement—with the staff, the service as a whole, and with the community:

“If … I get a sense that they’re starting to integrate with the broader team … that sort of marrying in with the team well, I think, is a very good sign” (Staff member 8).

Several staff commented that students who were confident in the ACCHS and able to seek out their own learning opportunities were ‘easier’, more engaged and more likely to be active learners:

“Some of them are much easier and more outgoing. Whereas some of them you have to spend a bit of time engaging and making them feel confident…that’s not a bad thing but it’s harder work” (Staff member 5).

Interpersonal value

The value of the human interactions that arose from placements emerged as a common theme in the interviews. Several students spoke of the relationships with staff, and the trust that developed with community members returning to the clinic, as particularly rewarding experiences:

“I got to see a number of patients quite a few times so that made it a very good learning experience, and a lot of the patients were very trusting, and so I got to do a lot in terms of their care. That … was really rewarding” (Student 6).

Staff from the ACCHSs spoke enthusiastically of having engaged students around the clinics and the organisations more broadly:

“It’s enjoyable, honestly, to see someone who wants to come here and work with Aboriginal people” (Staff member 7).

They cited the benefits of a fresh perspective on health, a new skill set, at times a helping hand, and importantly, a sense of goodwill toward the Indigenous community and the health organisation in the form of a demonstration of interest in Indigenous people and their health.

 

Discussion

Major benefits and challenges

This study highlights strong support for student placements in ACCHSs. The most commonly cited reasons for this support centre on the ability to offer students first-hand experience in an Aboriginal community health setting, and the reciprocal benefit to the community in creating a more culturally educated workforce.

The challenges reported by staff and students emphasise areas in need of improvement in the placement process, and provide a foundation for refinement. The foremost of these is the administrative and organisational burden on the health services, how the co-ordination of placements can be improved, and what the implications are for the relationships between universities and ACCHS in this process. Nelson et al [10] suggest that there is a role to be played by university-appointed administrators to assist ACCHSs in the processes required to ensure students and the ACCHSs themselves are adequately prepared for placements. Their study highlights the positive feedback received when such appointments have been made, and the interviews here reinforce the message that good preparation and coordination improves the experience of both staff and students [10].

Orientation

Ensuring that students feel both socially and culturally oriented in the placement environment is an important element of a successful experience for both staff and students. Students who feel at ease, or more confident in the environment, tend to be more proactive with their learning, and less demanding on the organisation. An important way of fostering this is through a formal orientation.

At the sites where an orientation was undertaken and involved specific cultural awareness training, students felt more confident and engaged. While this responsibility sat with the ACCHS, several participants noted that cultural awareness training should be a core part of medical education in the university environment. Preliminary training would then be the basis for, and be complementary to, the localised and more specific learning provided once students are in the ACCHS setting. Improved coordination between the universities and the ACCHSs is therefore important to ensure that appropriate training and orientation is completed before the student begins their work in the clinical environment.

Educational value of placements in ACCHSs

A successful placement requires that all parties have a clear understanding of the nature and purpose of the placement, with shared expectations of learning objectives. Most placements are either part of general practice rotations or student-initiated electives. While the interviews included positive accounts of both types of placements, the flexibility of student-initiated electives was noted as an advantage in the ACCHS context. Electives, as distinct from other in-semester rotations, are not intended to fulfil precise curriculum requirements, and allow students to engage more freely in learning about Indigenous health and culture and the broader healthcare delivery services provided by ACCHS. However, participants also noted the importance of ACCHSs being included in general practice rotations. It must also be recognised that the medical curriculum is not limited to clinical decision-making, and the educational value of these placements should not be restricted to these domains.

Selection of students

The administrative burden and over-demand for student placements in ACCHSs raises the issue of whether students should be required to demonstrate an interest in Indigenous health to be granted a placement, a requirement that already exists in some ACCHSs. The interview data clearly identified that the burden on the heath service was greater if students were unenthusiastic, disinterested, and unable to self-manage. Approximately half the respondents agreed that an expression of interest should be requisite. The remainder of respondents suggested that those students who do not express an interest in Indigenous health placements might have the most to gain from the experience. Adequate orientation may provide a solution in terms of familiarising the student, managing expectations, and facilitating a positive experience for the student and health service.

Limitations

This study was limited in its breadth by the nature of the research as a University of Melbourne Scholarly Selective project. The study therefore had limited scope and a small sample size, and while strongly-shared themes arose from the data, the interviews did not reach saturation. The authors also acknowledge that students interviewed had all voluntarily selected Aboriginal health placements, and therefore a selection bias may exist with regard to their views of the value of these placements. The authors further acknowledge that while students interviewed were placed in ACCHSs across Australia, the ACCHS staff were from Victorian ACCHSs only, and therefore the placements they describe are not necessarily shared experiences. No community members visiting the ACCHSs were interviewed. Their opinions on the presence of students in the organisations may form a basis for further research.

For ACCHSs to continue to be an active part of medical education, as mandated by the AMC, it is important to ensure that they have the resources to provide a good learning environment, and that the presence of students is not an impediment to the organisations. Placements should contribute to cultivating trust between Indigenous communities and the medical profession, and this is more likely with careful planning and co-ordination of placements. It is hoped that the findings of this research will help guide student placements into the future and contribute to ensuring a mutually beneficial system. Further research and larger trials in this area may include investigation of the perspectives of community members on the presence and engagement of students in ACCHSs, as well as a deeper exploration of the effects of student placements in other settings, including remote areas.

 

Conflict of interest
None declared.

Abbreviations and notes

ACCHS- Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Service

* Note: the term ‘Indigenous’ is used in this article to refer to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples of Australia.

St x– student no. x

Sf x– staff member no. x

 

References

[1] Murray RB, Larkins S, Russell H, Ewen S, Prideaux D. Medical schools as agents of change: socially accountable medical education. Med J Aust. 2012;196(10):653.

[2] Australian Bureau Of Statistics. Experimental life tables for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians [Internet]. 2007 [updated 2013; cited 2015 October 10]. Available from:

[3] Mackean T, Mokak R, Carmichael A, Phillips GL, Prideaux D, Walters TR. Reform in Australian medical schools: a collaborative approach to realising Indigenous health potential. Med J Aust. 2007;186(10):544-6.

[4] Phillips G. CDAMS Indigenous health curriculum framework [Internet]. Melbourne: VicHealth Koori Health Research and Community Development Unit; 2004 [cited 2015 Jan 5]. Available from: http://www.limenetwork.net.au/files/lime/cdamsframeworkreport.pdf

[5] Australian Medical Council. Assessment and accreditation of medical schools: standards and procedures [Internet]. 2006 [cited 2011 Nov 10]. Available from: http://www.amc.org.au/forms/Guide2006toCouncil.pdf

[6] Australian Medical Council. Standards for assessment and accreditation of primary medical programs by the Australian Medical Council [Internet]. 2012 [cited 2015 Jan 6]. Available from: https://www.amc.org.au/files/d0ffcecda9608cf49c66c93a79a4ad549638bea0_original.pdf

[7] National best practice framework for Indigenous cultural competency in Australian universities [Internet]. Universities Australia Indigenous Higher Education Advisory Council (IHEAC); 2011 [cited 2015 Jan 6]. Available from https://www.universitiesaustralia.edu.au/uni-participation-quality/Indigenous-Higher-Education/Indigenous-Cultural-Compet

[8] Weightman, M. The role of aboriginal community controlled health services in Indigenous health. Australian Medical Student Journal. 2013;4(1).

[9] Ross S, Whaleboat D, Duffy G, Woolley T, Sivamalai S, Solomon. S. A successful engagement between a medical school and a remote North Queensland Indigenous community: process and impact. LIME Good Practice Case Studies. 2013;2:39-43.

[10] Nelson A, Shannon C, Carson A. Developing health student placements in partnerships with urban Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Community Controlled Health Services. LIME Good Practice Case Studies. 2013;2:29-34.

[11] Patel A, Underwood P, Nguyen HT, Vigants M. Safeguard or mollycoddle? An exploratory study describing potentially harmful incidents during medical student placements in Aboriginal communities in Central Australia. Med J Aust. 2011;194:497-500.

[12] Marles E, Frame C, Royce M. The Aboriginal Medical Service Redfern – improving access to primary care for over 40 years. Aust Fam Physician. 2012;41(6):433-6.

[13] Panaretto KS, Wenitong M, Button S, Ring IT. Aboriginal community controlled health services: leading the way in primary care. Med J Aust. 2014;200(11):649-52.

[14] Bartlett B, Boffa J. Aboriginal Community Controlled comprehensive primary health care: the Central Australian Aboriginal Congress. Aust J Prim Health. 2001;7(3):74-82.

[15] Davis, M. Community control and the work of the national aboriginal community controlled health organisation: putting meat on the bones of the ‘UNDRIP’. Indigenous Law Bulletin. 2013;8(7):11.

 

 

Categories
Original Research Articles

Routine blood tests in hospital patients: a survey of junior doctor’s cost awareness and appropriate ordering

Abstract

Background: Excessive and redundant ordering of pathology tests contributes to increasing healthcare costs. Common blood tests, such as full blood counts, liver function tests, serum electrolytes, and C-reactive protein are frequently ordered with little consideration of purpose or intent. Most commonly the ordering of ‘routine’ blood tests is the responsibility of the most junior member of the medical team (the intern). We hypothesise that overutilisation of pathology tests exists due to an under-appreciation of the costs of testing.

Materials and Methods: We surveyed 50 interns regarding their comprehension of the cost of four commonly ordered pathology tests. We also identified the proportion of participants that had ordered an investigation inappropriately.

Results: Full blood counts, serum electrolytes, liver function tests and C-reactive protein were, on average, overestimated in cost by 9%, 32%, 36%, and 71% respectively. Costs for each test were underestimated in only a minority of cases, 32% for full blood counts, 14% for serum electrolytes, 16% for liver function tests, and 18% for C-reactive protein. All participants recall circumstances in which they inappropriately ordered an investigation.

Conclusion: Junior doctors did, on the whole, not underestimate the cost of pathology tests. Junior doctors are poorly informed about the cost of tests, however, this does not appear to influence their ordering, with 100% of participants reporting that they had inappropriately ordered investigations.

 

Introduction

The use of diagnostic testing is essential in the accurate diagnosis, monitoring, and screening of various diseases [1], with an estimated 70% of clinical decisions being substantially based on the results of such investigations [2]. Over the past 20 years, the number of laboratory tests available to clinicians has more than doubled [3], with most clinical laboratories in Australia reporting a 5-10% increase in their annual workload [4]. Similar to biochemical investigations, the uptake of imaging based diagnostics has growth at a rate of 9% annually [5]. Laboratory medicine is the single highest volume activity in healthcare, with demand increasing disproportionally to other medical activities [6].

Unfortunately, these increased volumes of testing have not always resulted in clinically relevant or useful patient interventions. Indeed, numerous studies [3,7-9] have attempted to investigate the impact of inappropriate pathology testing. While definitions of inappropriate use vary, it can generally be understood as pathology findings that do not have any impact on the clinical decision-making pathway. Estimating the size of this issue is difficult, but has been explored in numerous studies. Miyakis et al [10] found that 68% of a panel of 25 investigations failed to contribute to a patient’s clinical management. Sarkar et al [11] reviewed the cases of 200 patients with haemostatic disorders, and found that 78% of investigations ordered did not influence patient management. This represented an avoidable cost of $200,000. Rogg et al [12] found that repeat investigations are redundantly ordered in 40% of patients transferred from the emergency department to inpatient wards.

Rates of overuse reported in other studies ranged from 40-65%, depending on how ‘appropriate use’ was defined [13-17]. Walraven et al [19] reported, in a systematic review of laboratory clinical audits, pervasive overuse ranging from 4.5-95%. A more recent meta-analysis by Zhi et al [20] estimates the general prevalence of overuse as 20.6%. In Canada, redundant test ordering is expected to represent an annual cost of $36 million (CAD) [21], finances that could have otherwise been redistributed to other essential areas of healthcare.

The impact of inappropriate testing cannot, however, be qualified simply in terms of monetary cost. Even high-value and high-quality investigations can have limitations. False positive results can lead to unnecessary, anxiety provoking, and costly follow-up investigations [22-24]. Appropriate ordering decreases the likelihood of false positive results, thereby reducing the associated physical and emotional stress associated with these false positive values.

Improving the practice of ordering laboratory diagnostics is a challenging issue, the solution of which has been widely studied with variable levels of success. Consensus between these studies seems to suggest that education, audit, and feedback regarding appropriate investigations can limit the demand for diagnostic investigations. Miyakis et al [10] observed a 20% reduction in avoidable testing after education was provided to clinicians regarding their test ordering behaviours, the costs of ordering, and the factors that contributed to overuse. Feldman et al [25] found that attaching fee data to routinely ordered pathology investigations reported an 8.6% reduction in the number of tests ordered. A similar study by Tierney et al [26]  reported a 7.7% reduction in the number of tests ordered. Hampers et al [27] found that listing the individual charges of diagnostic tests at the time of ordering resulted in a 27% reduction in the total ordering of diagnostic tests.

Miyakis et al [10] found that junior medical staff are 20% more likely to order unnecessary investigations when compared to senior staff. This observation is vitally important as in public teaching hospitals, junior medical staff are generally most often responsible for the ordering of relevant investigations, often under a degree of self-direction. It is in this group where education regarding cost awareness would be most impactful in reducing inappropriate ordering. Limited numbers of past studies suggest there is a knowledge gap regarding cost comprehension in junior medical staff. Khromona et al [28] found that 82 (70%) respondents at a single institution felt they needed further education into the ordering of appropriate tests. Stanfliet et al [29] found that all interns interviewed (n=61) across two South African Hospitals reported that they would benefit from further education into the appropriate ordering of investigations.

The aim of this pilot study was to evaluate the awareness that junior medical staff (interns) at the Gold Coast University Hospital have of the costs of various commonly requested blood tests. It was hypothesised that systematic over-ordering may be accounted for by underestimation of cost. If this was confirmed, it would be possible to devise educational interventions designed to manage these deficiencies, which may subsequently promote more cost-effective and appropriate investigation. The efficacy of this process has been suggested in previous studies [10,25-27].

 

Materials and Methods

Table 1. Example of questions asked of survey participants to gauge their understanding of the costs associated with pathology testing in hospitals

Study design

The study utilised an observational design, with the development of a questionnaire aimed at assessing cost compression of interns at the Gold Coast University Hospital (Table 1). The questionnaire included questions relating to some of the most commonly ordered investigations at the hospital: full blood count (FBC), liver function tests (LFTs), serum electrolytes (UES), and C-reactive protein (CRP). Additionally, we requested that participants report if they had ever requested a pathology test that they felt was not clinically indicated, or was inappropriate.

Ethics approval to perform this survey was granted by the Human Research and Ethics Committee of the Gold Coast University Hospital (HREC//16/QGC/320).

 

Participant selection and setting

Medical staff of the classification of intern (first year medical graduates) were approached for inclusion. These staff represented the most junior element of their respective medical/surgical teams. The centre in which this project was conducted is the largest facility of the Gold Coast Health district, which, across its Southport and Robina campuses, serves over 750 beds, with over 100,000 emergency presentations annually. Both campuses are major teaching hospitals, and the majority of interns were graduates of Queensland universities.

The questionnaires were completed during mandatory teaching sessions, which all interns were required to attend. Each participant from the study population had an equal likelihood of being involved in the study. A total of 88 interns were present at these education sessions. Participants were approached randomly with requests for their participation until a sample of 50 participants was reached.

To enhance a response rate and ensure reliability, all surveys were completed during face-to-face meetings with the principal investigator, thus ensuring responders could not have advance understanding of the nature of the specific questions and therefore prepare accordingly by accessing reference materials.

Data collection

The actual cost of the four commonly ordered pathology tests (FBC, CRP, UES, LFTs) according to hospital financial records was used as a comparison with participant estimates. These values are represented as a total dollar value without a breakdown of individual costs, and represent the cost of labour, consumables, processing, and reporting.

Questionnaire responses were de-identified, and no personal or identifying information was retained. Participation and completion of the questionnaire was completely voluntary. This process was repeated until a minimum of 50 completed questionnaires had been collected. It was thought that this number would allow for an equal distribution of uncontrolled variables amongst the study sample.

Statistical analysis

Data was collated using Microsoft Excel 2016 (Microsoft Corporation, Redmond, WA, USA) and statistical analysis was performed using SPSS version 23 (SPSS Inc, Chicago, Ill, USA). Continuous data were analysed for normality using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov method. The mean estimated cost provided by participants was compared to the true cost of the relevant test and was analysed using a one-sample T-test, where p<0.05 was considered statistically significant. Simple graphical representations were used to visualise the number of participants that had overestimated or underestimated the cost of the test. Responses within 25% of the actual cost were regarded as accurate, with estimates more than 25% above the true cost being considered an overestimate, and likewise estimates more than 25% below the true cost being considered underestimates. These thresholds were suggested by a previous systemic review which examined physician cost awareness of pathology testing [29].

 

Results

A total of 50 interns at the Gold Coast University Hospital were included in this study. The mean assumed cost of pathology testing was, for all tests, higher than that of the true cost.

For almost all tests (with the exception of FBC), costs were routinely overestimated. Costs were overestimated by 50% of participants with respect to UES, 56% of participants with respect to LFTs, and 68% of participants with respect to CRP testing (Figure 1, Table 2). The FBC was the most accurately predicted test, with 40% of respondents accurately estimating the true cost.

Figure 1. Proportion of candidates to overestimate (grey), accurately estimate (orange) or underestimate (blue) the true cost of pathology tests. Estimates within 25% of the true cost were regarded as accurate. Estimates more than 25% above the true cost were regarded as overestimates. Estimates more than 25% below the true cost were regarded as underestimates
Figure 2. Comparison of the mean estimates of pathology test costs amongst interns (blue), compared with the actual cost of the test (orange).

Comparing the mean estimated cost and true value directly, we observed that for LFTs, UES, and CRP testing, there was a statistically significant overestimation of cost. LFTs, UES, and CRP were overestimated by 35.5% ($20.87±10.53, p<0.001), 31.5%, ($19.76±12.55, p=0.001), and 70.6% ($39.97±38.20, p<0.001), respectively when compared to the true costs. FBC testing was overestimated by only 9% ($17.25±13.43, p=0.442).

Table 2. Proportion of respondents who underestimated costs, accurately predicted costs and overestimated costs of commonly ordered blood tests. Estimates within 25% of the true cost were regarded as accurate. Estimates more than 25% above the true cost were regarded as overestimates. Estimates more than 25% below the true cost were regarded as underestimates.
Table 3. Actual and estimated cost of pathology tests.

Of note is that 100% of responders reported ordering an inappropriate pathology test during their clinical practice. We hypothesised this inappropriate ordering would be explained by an assumption that tests were cheaper than their true value; however, this was not the case as the majority of participants were found to overestimate costs for most investigations (Figure 2, Table 3).

100% of participants reported that they had previously ordered tests inappropriately.

Discussion

The results of this study seem to suggest that the understanding of the cost of common pathology tests is highly variable between individuals, with a clear lack of consensus amongst the study group a whole. Surprisingly on average, the estimated cost of pathology testing was generally more than the true cost of testing. In this study 100% of individuals report having ordered a pathology test inappropriately, and various previous studies [7-11] explore the prevalence of test overordering. This would suggest that other factors other than underappreciation of cost are driving excessive ordering amongst medical staff.

It was not surprising that the majority of interns would admit to ordering unnecessary blood tests. This could be because it is often easier to perform the tests with onsite phlebotomy services. Due to the high workload of interns, ordering “routine blood tests” is convenient, time-efficient, and often an expectation of senior staff.

In agreement with previous studies [29,30] interns at the Gold Coast University Hospital demonstrate a poor understanding of the cost of pathology investigations. They also report knowingly ordering inappropriate or unnecessary investigations. We propose three potential explanations for this. First, some participants may have had prior experience with or knowledge of commercial pathology testing, which tends to carry higher costs than in-house hospital pathology tests. Second, due to clinical inexperience, the perceived clinical value of the unnecessary tests was thought to be greater than the monetary costs of performing the investigation. Finally, it is possible that cost reduction is not perceived to be the responsibility of the most junior member of the management team. One study by Tiburt et al [29] in 2013 found that only 36% of physicians considered themselves responsible for reducing healthcare costs. Simply put, many clinicians do not acknowledge or accept their own role in rationalising healthcare costs.

Miyakis et al [10] found that junior staff will order inappropriate investigations 20% more frequently than senior staff (across a single Australian emergency department). However, the same study did not suggest cost-comprehension as a driving force for this difference. Schilling [31] found that only 28% of Swedish emergency department physicians correctly predicted the cost of investigations used to investigate pulmonary emboli, concluding that level of experience did not imply a better knowledge of the costs of investigation. A systematic review by Allan et al [32] of 14 studies of diagnostic and non-drug therapy cost estimates reported that clinicians of various nationalities estimated costs to within 25% of the tests correct value 33% of the time, and that the year of study, level of training, and specialty did not appear to impact this accuracy. These studies were represented by mixed specialties in various European and American based institutions. Broadwater-Hollifeild et al [33] found that only 20% of emergency physicians correctly predicted the costs of common medical tests (within 25% of true cost) across eleven emergency departments in Utah, USA. For comparison as an aggregate, in our study, interns were able to correctly predict cost (within 25% of true value) in 29.5% of proposed tests. The individual populations and settings varied in these studies and the resounding consensus is that clinicians, in general, will poorly predict the cost of investigations.
While experienced clinicians may have a limited knowledge of the costs of the investigations they order, they may request more relevant investigations, likely to be a consequence of experience and a better understanding of the specific indications and limitations of particular tests [33]. However, in some scenarios seniority does not always correlate with a reduced volume of testing. For example, a recent study by Magin et al [34] found that in Australian GPs, for every 6 months of cumulative training, the number of investigations ordered increased by 11%. This indicates the relationship between ordering and experience may be more complex. This may be because with greater comprehension of potential pathology, registrars in later stages of training have greater concern for potential missed diagnoses, or in general have a lower acceptance of ambiguity.

Although unnecessary testing is often associated with a net detrimental effect, examples do exist where excessive ordering of low yield investigations can result in the capture of significant pathology, allowing for the early management of conditions that may have otherwise led to significant mortality and morbidity. These screening programs usually undergo rigorous cost-benefits analyses, ensuring the net benefits outweigh any risks and costs associated with implementing such a program. Some examples of which include routine screening for breast cancer [35] and colorectal cancer [36,37]. These are examples of tests where despite low pretest probability of disease, the impact of a positive value can significantly alter patient mortality and morbidity to the level that routine testing is justifiable for relevant parties. Another example is routine screening for inborn errors of metabolism, which is performed for every child born in Australia. Although these illnesses are rare, these routine tests have high sensitivity and specificity, allowing for early intervention and leading to substantially better outcomes for affected patients [38]. While we acknowledge that this ‘shotgun’ approach can occasionally have positive outcomes, clinicians face an ethical conundrum. Maximising the use of resources in every patient runs the risk of eroding and diluting the overall effectiveness of the healthcare system, and each investigation ordered for a patient increases the risk of a false positive result or adverse event. We do not advocate compromising patient safety in favour of retaining finances, but as 100% of the junior doctors surveyed in this study have ordered inappropriate tests, some degree of cost containment must be considered.

Targeted interventions to curtail unnecessary investigations may assist in this regard. Given the overestimation of costs found in this study, it is unlikely that providing fee data for investigations would impact ordering behaviours significantly. A better approach would be to try and understand what factors are taken into consideration when ordering tests by more senior clinicians, given their tendency to order less inappropriate investigations than interns. Further studies would benefit from comparisons between interns and more senior medical staff, to establish what behaviours in senior staff result in more appropriate test ordering. Targeted education of these concepts may produce a reduction in inappropriate test ordering.

Study limitations and future directions

Our study analysed only awareness of costs, but did not demonstrate or attempt to ascertain the degree of inappropriate usage. Based on our current results we could not provide an opportunity for a cost reduction through education of true cost, as participants generally overestimate rather than underestimate test values.

In future studies, it may be beneficial to include additional questions incorporating a Likert scale in which participants rank the factors most important to them when ordering a blood test (for example, including factors such the cost of the test, expectations from a superior, desire for completeness, and expectations from patients). This would allow for identification of the traits most likely to lead to excessive ordering. Consequently, future interventions could be developed to address factors most likely to contribute to these behaviours. As discussed, it may be beneficial to compare groups of interns to more senior clinicians to establish the behaviours that most strongly correlate with rational test ordering.

Another limitation of this study was that we did not ascertain the degree of previous education regarding pathology testing costs that each participant had received. Previous studies [26,27] suggest that this may be a widespread phenomenon. It would also be valuable to ascertain how many tests participants are ordering to establish if participants who routinely underestimate the cost of tests tend to order more frequently, or vice versa. Such data could be linked to administrative data to assess for clustering and to determine if ordering behaviours vary between departments.

 

Conclusion

Junior doctors frequently report ordering inappropriate tests and in general, overestimate the costs of these pathology tests. This has a financial impact on the health system. We advocate that pathology services develop educational strategies for reducing inappropriate testing. Cost awareness does not appear to be a highly relevant factor in test ordering. Further study is needed to recognise the specific factors that contribute to systematic over-ordering.

Acknowledgements

I would like to extend my thanks to both Robert Ellis and Miranda Rue-Duffy, who have both been invaluable in providing advice on producing appropriate statistics.

 

Conflict of interest

None declared.

 

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[21] Van Walraven C, Raymond M. Population-based study of repeat laboratory testing. Clin Chem. 2003;49:1997-2005.

[22] Moynihan R, Doust J, Henry D. Preventing over diagnosis: how to stop harming the healthy. BMJ. 2012;344:e3502.

[23] Laposata, M. Putting the patient first – using the expertise of laboratory professionals to produce rapid and accurate diagnoses. Lab Med. 2014;45:4-5.

[24] Epner PL, Gans JE, Graber ML. When diagnostic testing leads to harm: new outcomes-based approach for laboratory medicine. BMJ Qual Safe. 2013:22:ii6-10.

[25] Feldman LS, Shihab HM, Thiemann D, Yeh HC, Ardolino M, Mandell S, et al. Impact of providing fee data on laboratory test ordering: a controlled clinical trial. JAMA Intern Med. 2013;17:903-8.

[26] Tierney WM, Miller ME, McDonald CJ. The effect on test ordering of informing physicians of the charges for outpatient diagnostic tests. N Engl J Med. 1990;322(21):1499-1504.

[27] Hampers LC, Cha S, Gutglass DJ, Krug SE, Binns HJ. The effect of price information on test-ordering behaviour and patient outcomes in a paediatric emergency department.  Paediatrics. 1999;103(4 pt 2):877-82.

[28] Khromova V, Gray T. Learning needs in clinical biochemistry for doctors in foundation years. Ann Clin Biochem. 2008;45:33-8.

[29] Tilburt JC, Wynia MK, Sheeler RD, Thorsteinsdottir B, James KM, Egginton JS, et al. Views of US physicians about controlling health care costs. JAMA. 2013;310(4):380-8.

[30] Stanfliet JC, Macauley J, Pillay TS. Quality of teaching in chemical pathology: ability of interns to order and interpret laboratory tests. J Clin Pathol. 2009;62:664-6.

[31] Schilling UM. Cost Awareness among Swedish physicians working at the emergency department. Eur J Emerg Med. 2009;16(3):131-4.

[32] Allan GM, Lexchin J. Physician awareness of diagnostic and nondrug therapeutic costs: a systematic review.  Int J Technol Assess Health Care. 2008;24(2):158-65.

[33] Broadwater-Hollifield C, Gren LH, Porucznik CA. Emergency physician knowledge of reimbursement rates associated with emergency medical care. Am J Emerg Med. 2014;32(6):498-506.

[34] Margin PJ, Tapley A, Morgan S. Changes in pathology test ordering by early career general practitioners, a longitudinal study. Med J Aust. 2017;207(2):70-4.

[35] Mackenzie F, Christoph L, Joann E. Breast cancer screening: an evidence-based update. Med Clin North Am. 2015;99(3):451–68.

[36] Beck D. The importance of colorectal cancer screening. Ochsner J. 2012;12(1):7–8.

[37] Lin JS, Piper MA, Perdue LA, Rutter CM, Webber EM, O’Connor E, et al. Screening for colorectal cancer: updated evidence report and systemic review for the US preventative services task force. JAMA. 2016;315(23):2576-94.

[38] Geelhoed EA, Lewis B, Hounsome D, O’Leary P. Economic evaluation of neonatal screening for phenylketonuria and congenital hypothyroidism. J Paediatr Child Health. 2005;41(11):575-9.

 

Categories
Feature Articles

Pacific partnerships: exploring the Fijian healthcare and medical education systems

We walk with our host between the palm trees and brightly painted bungalows, touring the community care centre for elderly and disabled Fijians. The surrounds belie the grim conditions that must be endured by the patients who live here. There is one patient in particular whom our host wants us to meet — a middle-aged man with an intellectual disability and diabetes who has lived at the home for most of his adult life. He greets us warmly and chats with our host in Hindi whilst we take in his condition. His left foot is extensively bandaged, but the skin left visible is swollen and mottled. Our host, who is the chair of our sister-committee based in Fiji, explains that the patient’s foot has been gangrenous and in need of surgical assessment for the past five years, but they have been unable to facilitate this. His gangrenous foot has frequently been infested with maggots, despite the dedicated care of the facility’s nurse. There is just one nurse employed in the forty-bed facility. Due to limited resources, she must wash the patient’s foot barehanded with soap and water. The nurse shows us her supplies: a scanty collection of antibiotics, antihypertensive medications, metformin, and needles and syringes. Recently, she was grateful when our host provided her with latex gloves to wear whilst caring for the patients. The lack of medical resources and the understaffing of care facilities were just some of the issues we encountered during our brief, but enlightening, stay in Fiji. Through Friends4Fiji, a student-led partnership between Monash University and Umanand Prasad School of Medicine (UPSM), our Fijian counterparts, facilitated a week-long placement and education outreach program. We divided our time between undertaking a placement at the local hospital and assisting in the delivery of an anatomy teaching program for Fijian medical students, led by Dr Michelle Lazarus, a senior anatomy lecturer from our university.

Medical students in Fiji face challenges that we can scarcely imagine in Australia, extending from their academic resources to their expected time commitment. The information provided to students, and, by extension, doctors, is frequently outdated and incomplete, making it difficult to develop evidence-based medical practices [1]. Despite this, the students we worked with through the committee went beyond the required learning in order to develop a solid foundation. With limited resources, they are unable to rely on specialist journals or opinions, hence students are taught to think creatively, a skill they must rely upon in their future practice [1]. In the university we visited, frequent turnover of university administrators and lecturers had led to disruption of the curriculum such that some cohorts missed out on formal teaching of whole body systems in their anatomy course. Students described being reliant on textbooks and plastic models for anatomy teaching. There is no body donor program for dissection classes, and dissections are limited to animal carcasses at the local abattoir. Senior students must meet significant time requirements, with sixth-year students expected to perform weekly ‘on call’ shifts and night shifts, as well as attending wards on the weekends. These requirements may be explained by the inadequate hospital staffing levels, identified by comparing staff-to-population ratios with the projected numbers needed [2]. Having medical students performing intern-level tasks assists in alleviating doctors’ workloads without costing the national health budget further, as 60% of the budget already directly funds the workforce [2]. This shortage of fully qualified doctors has also been identified as impacting on medical training, causing a lack of post-graduate training opportunities, which contributes to emigration following student graduation [2,3]. With the many challenges these students face, it was deeply satisfying to observe their thirst for knowledge that extended beyond the curriculum, and we feel that we met a genuine need with the teaching program that we implemented.

As mentioned, the challenges faced by these students grow substantially when they become doctors, leading to a crisis of emigration among Fijian doctors and a subsequent growing reliance on foreign doctors [2,3]. ‘Push’ factors, which drive young professionals out of Fiji, include heavy workload and lack of promotion prospects and are coupled with ‘pull’ factors, which draw graduates to overseas positions, such as better pay and training opportunities in developed nations [4]. Ultimately, the high numbers of doctors leaving, particularly from the public sector, have been attributed to a complex career decision-making process involving work-related frustrations, with the primary motivation being income [3,5]. This interplay creates diverse problems, from workforce shortages and a lack of specialist training positions for graduates, to a lack of research conducted and published by Fijian authors. Among students we spoke with, intentions for future employment were divided. For those planning to stay in Fiji, students were motivated by a desire to give back to their community, with a student stating, “we study to help people, and Fiji needs A LOT of help,” and another explaining, “it will also be a good opportunity to actually help the people of Fiji get the best medical services from doctors.” Among students considering leaving Fiji, key motivators were gaining experience and learning advanced medicine, with one student stating, “I do tend to look forward to study and work overseas due to their high standard of education and learning programmes.” Whilst many of the students we spoke with had entered medicine with the very intention of giving back to their community by developing much needed skills, one can appreciate the frustrations they face. Every day, when these graduates go to work, they face shortages of essential medications and supplies, which interfere with patient care. There are also shortages in onshore graduate specialist training programs, which are limited to anaesthesia, medicine, obstetrics and gynaecology, paediatrics, and surgery [6]. These graduate options are a fraction of what is offered internationally, and do not meet the demand for specialists in Fijian hospitals, making it difficult for practitioners to receive adequate guidance for patient care [1,3]. The medical students we met in Fiji had diverse career aspirations. One student had greatly enjoyed her rotation at the psychiatric hospital in Suva, and was keen to pursue a career in this field, noting the dire need for more psychiatrists in Fiji. However, due to a lack of training positions, this student was contemplating leaving Fiji to pursue psychiatry training internationally. Despite the competitive nature of entering the postgraduate training programs, the number of specialists accepted into these programs does not meet public need, with only 48.5% actually working in the public sector following completion of specialist training [3]. Though there were many recognised benefits of working in Fiji, including cultural acceptance and religious responsibility, many doctors in Fiji experience significant frustrations with the facilities, bureaucratic processes, and the salaries they receive, factors that the students we spoke with already identify as concerns [3,5].

The lack of basic supplies and difficulties patients faced when accessing critical healthcare in the Fijian facilities were more significant than either of us anticipated. The Fijian public health system relies on a combination of taxpayer funding and external support through a number of United Nations agencies and nations including New Zealand, Australia, and the USA [2]. During our placement at the local hospital it quickly became apparent how underfunded and under-resourced this system is. Every investigation we considered ordering was carefully scrutinised by our supervising doctor, with a much heavier reliance placed on clinical assessment. This in turn impacts medical education, as students and doctors cannot rely on investigations being available and are hence required to think critically and to have a broad knowledge base. The lack of adequate technology to maintain evidence-based practice has also led to pressure from pharmaceutical companies presenting misleading information to doctors, placing further stress on doctors to avoid influence where possible [3,5]. This was particularly evident with medical imaging, which is limited in Fiji due to a paucity of technicians and facilities. Fiji has just three CT scanners [2] and the one located at our hospital was broken for the duration of our placement, and had been for quite some time. This stems from the fact that much of the machinery is donated second-hand from other nations and there is a reliance on this non-functional equipment, which impacts on delivering care to patients [1,2]. On the wards in the hospital, basic items which Australian doctors would consider essential for patient care were scarce. We particularly noticed the lack of access to products for safe hand hygiene practices and personal protective equipment. The lack of access to this basic equipment, combined with insufficient funds for medicines, were identified as primary concerns among the workforce, further contributing to emigration [2,5]. When it comes to ongoing care, shortages of essential medications make it difficult for the doctors to maintain a regular supply for their patients [6]. All medications are monitored monthly and sourced through the government-funded Fiji Pharmaceutical Services, however “stock-outs” are common [2]. The strategies in place for drug regulation are poor, and the quality of imported drugs is a concern to Fijian doctors due to a potential lack of stringent quality testing [1,2]. It was an incredibly steep learning curve to experience such fundamental differences in resources, and has certainly made us much more aware and grateful for what we have readily available in metropolitan Australian hospitals.

Another major difference identified during our stay was the restricted nature of mental health care in Fiji. As one student we spoke with stated, “mental health is mostly ignored in Fiji.” Despite the national emphasis on institutional care for people with ongoing mental illnesses, there is just one dedicated psychiatric hospital in Fiji, located in Suva [7]. This hospital offers generalised psychiatric services, however, like many other areas in Fiji, there are no sub-specialist psychiatric services available [2]. Within the wider community, psychiatric help is limited. At the hospital where we undertook our placement, those suffering acute psychiatric illness or at risk of committing suicide could be cared for in the euphemistically-named ‘Stress Ward’; however there was no psychiatrist or specialised staff available. As few students are able to undertake placement at the specialised mental health hospital, the stress ward and community placements comprise much of their practical experience of mental health. When asked their thoughts about mental health care in Fiji, students identified it as an improving area that still needed more work, with one student explaining, “five to seven years ago, no one bothered about mental illnesses and brushed it aside. So many women had never heard of the term ‘post-partum depression’. Now they get screened regularly. Mental health was an unaddressed issue in the past but we are getting there.” Whilst progress has been made to reduce stigma associated with mental illness through education and awareness by mental health advocacy groups, 42% of Fijians still report that they would be embarrassed to seek medical help for a psychiatric issue [2,8]. This attitude towards mental illness is far better in urban centres than in more remote regions, and level of educational attainment is positively correlated with receptiveness towards people with mental illnesses [7]. However during our visit to a community care facility, we noted residents with schizophrenia who spent most of each day bed-bound. Whilst these patients have access to antipsychotic medication, there is no access to counselling or rehabilitation workers who could help them return to the community. Standardised clinical treatment guidelines and referral protocols are still being developed by the relatively new Mental Health Clinical Services Network, which hopes to make mental health a priority through advocacy and legislation [2]. The Fijian medical students we spoke to were eager to cultivate the positive trend of increased community awareness and knowledge, combating the stigma of mental illness which predominates in Fijian society.

During our stay and discussions with the Fijian students, we learnt that similar to our own university, there was a slight female predominance of students. However, gender roles in Fiji have a clear effect on the academic and medical culture, something we particularly noticed as an all-female teaching team. In Australia, the challenges that women face in medicine are well documented, from sexual harassment to reduced earning potential [9,10]. However, in Fiji, females face even greater social and economic disadvantage, and this perception pervades many aspects of their academic and healthcare systems [2]. The majority of the lecturers and university administrators we met during our time in Fiji were male, and male authors contribute five times more than female authors in research conducted by Fijians [11]. In saying this, the ‘Learning Evidence-based Medicine and Research in Unison’ program developed by Friends4Fiji has seen an equal number of male and female students from UPSM engage with research, and many students, both male and female, spoke of a desire to develop research skills.  Within the wider health workforce, 95% of nurses are female, and despite the medical student ratio observed, two thirds of doctors are male [5]. Community health workers, poorly paid basic healthcare workers in rural village areas, are likewise predominantly female [11]. In the specialty field, however, it seems that change is occurring, with almost 40% of graduate specialists being female, and gender having little impact on decisions to resign [3]. Furthermore, the high number of female medical students may represent an exciting potential shift towards a more equitable future for Fijian women. The student response to our teaching by the end of the week was particularly rewarding. In a program of didactic teaching delivered by male academics, female students expressed being inspired to think of themselves as future educators and academics.

Fiji is a nation of two major ethnic groups; ethnic Fijians make up 57% of the population, and Indo-Fijians make up 37% of the population [2]. Something neither of us anticipated was the emphasis placed on race within the health system, where one of the key characteristics identified on each patient profile is the ethnicity of the patient: Fijian, Indo-Fijian, or other. One of the reasons cited to explain this is the differing epidemiological profiles of the two groups, with ethnic Fijians more likely to contract infectious diseases, and Indo-Fijians more likely to have ongoing non-communicable diseases, particularly cardiovascular disease [2]. However, a number of other key differentiating features have been identified within not only the wider population but also the health workforce, and it was clear that racial differentiation was a part of their culture. Within the wider community, mental health outcomes are far worse among Indo-Fijians, with a suicide rate of 24 per 100,000 compared to four per 100,000 per annum for ethnic Fijians [2]. Within the health workforce, there has been significant Indo-Fijian emigration, with much of this being attributed to the political coup in 2000 against the first Indo-Fijian Prime Minister, leading to disillusionment and ongoing concerns among Indo-Fijian doctors [3]. Conversely, among Fijian researchers, Indo-Fijians contributed more than ethnic Fijians (58% versus 40%) [11]. We observed this racial differentiation in all hospital relationships – patient to patient, doctor to patient, and doctor to doctor – as well as in the education setting. It was much more pronounced than it would be in Australia, and again it was something we needed to learn to adjust to during our stay.

Despite the brevity of our stay, we gained a profound insight into healthcare delivery in an under-resourced setting. We were extremely fortunate to have our stay facilitated by a dedicated group of medical students through the Friends4Fiji committee, and we made lasting friendships that have helped to solidify and grow our partnership. It was a challenging, but valuable, experience to be thrust into a position of responsibility that we had not yet encountered as clinical students in Australia. While on placement in Fiji, we were actively making medical decisions in consultation with our supervising doctor. We came to admire the Fijian students who, despite the challenges of their medical education, are thrust into a role of critical responsibility much earlier than in our program. To be able to apply the knowledge we have gained in our studies and also make a difference in patient care was extremely rewarding. Gaining insights into the lives of these students and seeing the issues facing their nation through their eyes was a unique experience. Given all we gained through this experience, it was extremely rewarding to also be able to help fulfil a need for further anatomy teaching, guided by our dedicated and supportive lecturer, Dr Michelle Lazarus. We also hope to engage the students in joint research projects, furthering our knowledge and developing our evidence-based medicine skills together. Our hope is to continue to grow this partnership between our two universities by fostering relationships between medical students and creating opportunities for student exchange.

 

Conflicts of interest:

None declared.

 

References

[1] Lowe M. Evidence-based medicine—the view from Fiji. Lancet. 2000;356(9235):1105-7.

[2] Roberts D, Irava D, Tuiketei D, Nadakuitavuki M, Otealagi M, Singh D et. al. The Fiji Islands health system review. Health Syst TransitTransit. 2011;1(1):6-123..

[3] Oman K, Moulds R, Usher K. Specialist training in Fiji: why do graduates migrate, and why do they remain? A qualitative study. Hum Resour Health. 2009;7(9):1-10.

[4] World Health Organisation. The world health report [Internet]. Geneva, Switzerland: World Health Organisation; 2006. 237p. Available from: http://www.who.int/whr/2006/en .

[5] Francis ST, Lee H. Migration and transnationalism. Canberra, Australia: ANU Press; 2009.

[6] Oman K, Moulds R, Usher K. Professional satisfaction and dissatisfaction among Fiji specialist trainees: what are the implications for preventing migration?. Qual Health Res. 2009;19(9):1246-58..

[7] Aghanwa H. Attitude toward and knowledge about mental illness in Fiji Islands. Int J Soc Psychiatry. 2004;50(4):361-75. .

[8] Roberts G, Cruz M, Puamau E. A proposed future for the care, treatment and rehabilitation of mentally ill people in Fiji. Pac Health Dialog. 2007;14(2):107-10..

[9] White G. Sexual harassment during medical training: the perceptions of medical students at a university medical school in Australia. Med Educ. 2008;34(12):980-6..

[10] Cheng T, Scott A, Jeon S, Kalb G, Humphreys J, Joyce C. What factors influence the earnings of general practitioners and medical specialists? Evidence from the ‘Medicine in Australia: balancing employment and life’ survey. Health Econ. 2011;21(11):1300-17..

[11] Cuboni H, Finau S, Wainigolo I, Cuboni G. Fijian participation in health research: analysis of Medline publications 1965-2002. Pac Health Dialog. 2004;11(1):59-78. .

 

Categories
Original Research Articles

How do the specialty choices and rural intentions of medical students from Bond University (a full-fee paying, undergraduate-level medical program) compare with other (Commonwealth Supported Places) Australian medical students?

Introduction: Australian medical schools are demonstrating an
increased interest in full-fee paying education, which warrants
assessment of possible ramifications on the profile of the Australian medical workforce. This study aims to identify differences in demographics, specialty preferences and rural intentions between domestic full-fee paying undergraduate medical students and all other (CSP) Australian medical students. Methods: The data of 19,827 medical students was accessed from the Medical Schools Outcomes Database from 2004-2011. This was then analysed using logistic regression and McNemar’s test to identify differences in specialty choice and preferred location of practice. Results: Demographically, full-fee paying medical students of Bond University and other Australian medical students were similar in age and gender. However, Bond medical students were less likely to come from a rural background (10% versus 21.7%) and, even after performing logistic regression analysis, still showed
a greater preference for future urban practice at both entry and
exit of medical school than all other students (entry questionnaire OR = 3.3, p < 0.01, and exit questionnaire OR = 3.9, p < 0.05). There was no significant difference in preference for higher-paid medical specialties or those in short-supply between Bond medical students and all other Australian medical students.Conclusion: Full-fee paying medical students of Bond University demonstrate similar future specialty preferences but are far more likely to come
from an urban background and choose urban over rural practice than other medical students. Further research is necessary to better understand the implications of full-fee paying education on the medical workforce.

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Introduction

Australian medical schools are demonstrating an increased interest in providing full-fee paying education; in 2004 there were 160 places for domestic full-fee paying Australian medical students (1.6% of all students), which increased to 932 (7%) by 2008 and 871 (5.1%) in 2013. [1,2] This trend warrants the assessment of possible ramifications on the profile of the Australian medical workforce in terms of specialty and geographical distribution. [3]

There are a number of medical student characteristics and experiences that are known to guide medical training and ultimately impact on the nature and location of their specialty choices. [4-8] This includes demographic characteristics such as gender, background (rural or urban origin), personal and family factors (whether a student has a partner or children), education, personality and interests. [9] Previous research has indicated a pattern of gender distribution amongst medical specialties, where women are more likely to choose general practice and men are more likely to enter other specialist careers (such as surgery, which remains a very male-dominated field). [9] Similarly, male doctors tend to place a higher emphasis on financial remuneration and women are generally more concerned about working hours and flexibility of practice. [8] The perceived prestige and lifestyle factors associated with certain specialties plays a significant role in specialisation choice. [8,10-12] Clinical exposure to specialty fields is key in influencing some of these preconceived views. [10,13]

It is well documented that there is a significant shortage and maldistribution of doctors in remote and rural Australia, reflecting an increasing awareness that this inadequacy of healthcare needs to be addressed in these communities. [5,6,8-10,12,14-19] Only 23% of Australian doctors practise in places of significant workforce need, where the number of doctors per head of population is 54-65% of that in metropolitan areas. [16] Although programs, research and government incentives have been introduced over the past 20 years to address these problems, the Rural Doctors Association of Australia has reported that less than 5% of medical school graduates have taken up rural practice in the last 15 years and the majority of doctors working in rural areas are international medical graduates on restricted provider numbers. [12,19,20]

Among the many factors that influence medical students to take up rural practice after graduation, the strongest indicator is a rural background, closely   followed   by   positive  rural   placements.   [5,9,15,16,20,21] Rural-practicing doctors are two to four times more likely to be of rural background than those practising in urban areas. [5] However, between 34% – 67% of rural doctors originate from urban backgrounds which is attributed in part to students’ rural clinical exposure through scholarships and placements such as the John Flynn Placement Program and the Rural Undergraduate Support and Coordination (RUSC) funded rural experience. [5,22] Training opportunities such as Rural Clinical Schools are also effective in influencing students towards a rural career by allowing students to experience the benefits of rural life first-hand whilst providing effective and innovative medical education. [7,22,23] Now many programs are available for medical students that offer exposure to rural practice. [6,12,17,23,24]

Bond University was the first institution to offer a full-fee paying undergraduate medical course in Australia in 2005 [25], with no direct funding from the Australian Government. Several well-established medical schools followed suit by introducing up to 50% more full- fee paying places in their current medical programs to cater for the student surplus, including international students. [26] While fees vary amongst medical schools for both domestic and international full-fee paying places, they are generally between of $30,000 to $60,000 per annum for a four to six year education. [27] Domestic full-fee paying students do have the option of accessing loans under the Government ‘Fee-Help’ program to cover a portion of their tuition fees; they are entitled to a lifetime maximum of $112,134 for a medical education (as of 2013) with 20% simple interest, repayable upon graduation and employment. [27]

The aim of this study was to determine whether full-fee paying Australian medical students differ significantly from other medical students in terms of future intended specialty career and rural/urban location of practice. This level of financial burden has raised significant concerns about its implications of medical education accessibility and future workforce specialty distribution. We hypothesised that full-fee paying students would indicate an increased preference for pursuing future urban practice and higher-paying specialties.

Methods

Data was provided by the Medical Schools Outcomes Database (MSOD), a project of the Medical Deans Australia and New Zealand association that is funded by Health Workforce Australia as a means of evaluating rural medical education initiatives. [19] Commencement of Medical School Questionnaires (CMSQ) and Exit Questionnaires (EQ) are administered to all medical students on entry to and graduation from all Australian medical schools and at the end of the first postgraduate year.

Independent variables

The  main  independent  binary  variable  of  comparison  represented whether the student attended Bond University’s full-fee paying undergraduate medical program or not.  Other independent variables included in each analysis were the student’s sex, age when they began medical school, the year they began medical school, whether they are of rural background and their marital status.

Dependent variables

Preference for urban versus rural future medical practice was re- categorised into a binary variable from the original questionnaire categories: Those who chose to practice in a small community, small town, regional city or town were considered to be rural candidates. Those who chose to practice in a capital or major city centre were considered to be urban candidates.

Two variables were created to explore preferences for future medical specialty. The first of the two is a binary variable that assesses the preference  for  choosing  a  higher-paying  specialty.  Students  who chose surgery, obstetrics and gynaecology, radiology, intensive care medicine or emergency medicine—which are the top five specialties rated as the highest paid in the ‘2010 Medicine in Australia: Balancing Employment and Life (MABEL)’ study—were considered in pursuit of a higher-paying specialty. The second binary variable examined the preference for choosing a specialty in-demand (not necessarily highest paid). [24] Students who chose general practice, psychiatry, obstetrics and gynaecology, pathology, ophthalmology or radiology—which are predicted to be the top six specialties in short supply by 2025 by the Health Workforce of Australia (HWA)—were considered in pursuit of a specialty in-demand. [28]

Statistical analysis

Independent samples t-tests were used to compare differences between medical students of Bond University and all other Australian medical students on demographic background variables (Table 1). Logistic regression was used for comparisons between full-fee paying medical students of Bond University and all other Australian medical students in analyses of preferences for the three dependent variables listed above. Data on preferences for rural versus urban practice, for the top five paid, and six most in-need specialties were analysed at two data collection time points: on entry to medical school (CMSQ) and exit from medical school (EQ), resulting in six logistic regression models comparing full-fee paying undergraduate medical students with all other medical students. McNemar’s test was used to analyse changes in student rural future practice and specialty preferences between the time that they entered and exited medical school, and logistic regression to explore changes through time between cohorts in these preferences.

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Ethics Approval

Approval was provided by all universities for the MSOD project, which applies to this paper. Permission was requested and approval given by MSOD to use their data for this research article (MR-2013-002).

Results

The results of the McNemar’s tests showed no statistically significant difference for full-fee paying medical students of Bond University who completed both entry and exit questionnaires (n = 94), but that in all other medical students (n = 3760) there was a significant drop in intention to practice rurally, and an increase in preference for a top 5 paid specialty and specialties predicted to be in short supply (p-values < 0.001). In addition, there was evidence of cohort effects in CMSQ preferences amongst all medical students: between 2005 and 2011 cohorts entering medical school, later cohorts of students had a greater preference for urban future practice. The cohort effect odds ratio was 1.07 (p < 0.001; 95% CI: 1.04-1.10). Later cohorts were less likely to select a future specialty on the list of six most in-need (OR = 0.95, 95% CI: 0.94-0.98, p < 0.001) but were not more or less likely to prefer a top 5 paid specialty. No significant cohort effects were observed in the exit questionnaire analyses, although it should be noted that the exit data only included four cohorts (2008-11).

Both commencement and exit of medical school surveys showed that full-fee paying medical students of Bond University had a significantly greater preference for future urban practice than other Australian medical students (Figure 1).

v6_i1_a19d

Age on entry to medical school, gender, marital status and whether the student was from a rural background were statistically controlled in all six analyses.

Analyses performed using logistic regression; 95% CIs aforementioned in Results text; p < 0.05.

OR > 1.0 indicates variable in favor of full-fee paying medical students of Bond University.

OR < 1.0 indicates variable in favor of other Australian medical students.

 

Analyses shows that full-fee paying medical students of Bond University were neither more likely to have a preference for the top five paid medical specialties, nor more likely to pursue the top 6 specialties predicted to be in need by 2025, when compared with all other medical students in Australia (Table 2).

v6_i1_a19c

Of the variables which were statistically controlled in the logistic regression analyses, a number were significant predictors of the three outcomes. These findings have been summarised in Table 3. At entry to medical school, older students and women were less likely to select a top five paid specialty and women remained less likely to select a top five paid specialty at exit. Married students were significantly less likely to choose any top five paid specialty as their first preference on exit. Specialties in short supply were selected at entry by those who were older, married, from a rural background or female and at exit by those who were married or female. Coming from an urban background was a strong predictor of not preferring future rural medical practice at both entry and exit from medical school and men were oriented towards urban practice. Younger students stated less preference for rural practice and unmarried students stated a lesser preference for future urban practice.

v6_i1_a19e

Discussion

Interestingly, in contrast to our hypothesis, we found that full-fee paying medical students of Bond University were not more or less likely to prefer the highest-paid medical specialties when compared with other Australian medical students. There were also no significant differences in preference for specialties predicted to be in short supply. This result implies that the full-fee paying nature of education is not a significant influential  factor  in  future  specialty  preferences  whilst  supporting the idea that this choice may be guided by other demographic and experiential factors documented in the literature.

More students in general (that is, including students of Bond and all other medical schools) had a tendency to select a top-paid specialty by the end of medical school compared to entry.

So the potential generalised ‘commercialisation’ of students’ motivations during medical training remains a point of concern despite the apparent validation of full-fee paying training as an unlikely implicating factor. There are no papers in the current Australian literature specifically exploring the factors influencing medical students in this choice, so we can only theorise on the circumstances affecting the  decisions  to  pursue  a  higher-paid  specialty.    This  trend  may indicate that students begin medical school with more altruistic and rural intentions, but change their minds during training and come to place greater importance on financial return as they mature through their educational experience.  Cohort effects may also play a role (that is, whether more recent student cohorts are more oriented towards future urban practice and career earnings).   The trends of student specialty preference being affected by financial debt obtained during training and potential remuneration in higher paid specialties are being increasingly explored in American and Canadian literature. [29, 30]

At exit from medical school, fewer Australian medical students, in general, planned to work in a rural area than at entry, despite the numerous incentives and rural programs to encourage rural medical practice. The decrease in preference for rural practice by graduation in all Australian medical students may reflect the small number of regional medical schools or limited opportunity for rural placements, and factors such as specialty choice and training in urban areas. It is nonetheless clear that full-fee paying Bond medical students are more likely to prefer urban practice when compared against other Australian medical students.  This may suggest the need for further modification of medical school recruitment and admission processes at privately funded  institutions  to  focus  on  students  who  demonstrate  either a rural background or interest in rural practice.  There are current opportunities for students who are keen to undertake rural clinical clerkships at all medical schools through various in-curricular and extra- curricular activities. However, unlike their commonwealth-supported counterparts, privately-funded medical schools are not mandated to enforce their students to receive this rural exposure.  Ensuring a rural clinical rotation could be a potential avenue for encouraging more students to pursue rural and remote practice.  James Cook University (JCU) has designed its medical program specifically to recruit and prepare doctors to work in rural and remote locations.  Their program is characterised by a selection process targeting students of regional and remote backgrounds, a rural community orientated curriculum, increased engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health issues and more frequent and extended rural clinical placements. [31] As a result, at graduation, 88% of JCU medical students intend to practise outside Australian capital cities, compared to 31% of graduates from other medical schools. [31]

The conclusions of this study are limited by the difference in sample size  between  full-fee  paying  undergraduate  medical  students  and all other students (496 compared to 18161).   This restricted the potential for statistically significant subgroup data analysis.  A further qualitative study would be useful in clarifying student motivations and influencing factors in decision making of future specialty choice and location of practice.  There is, as yet, no long-term data of how students’ preferences translate to actuality, with the first students who contributed to the MSOD project still in their early postgraduate years. Ongoing follow-up of students may also shed further light on factors that influence doctors at all stages of training.  There is an increasing emphasis on medical schools becoming ‘socially accountable’ in their training of physicians, in order to respond to current and future health needs and challenges in society, which includes the maldistribution of doctors. [32] The initiatives that medical schools undertake in an effort to fulfil the criteria presented by the World Health Organisation (WHO) for social accountability are designed to impact the training of medical students and therefore may be partially accountable for graduate specialty preferences. Further research is being conducted to clarify whether a full-fee-paying medical student education and potential associated debts can influence specialty choice, particularly higher income specialties. [33]

Conclusion

Full-fee paying medical students of Bond University are more likely to come from an urban background and prefer urban over rural practice at exit of medical school when compared with all other Australian medical students.  This is a point of concern and may inform future modifications to medical school admission processes as well as more opportunities for rural clinical exposure in the curriculum. Nonetheless, they remain similar to all other Australian medical students in terms of demographic characteristics and preference for higher-paying specialties and those in short supply. Future research is directed to assess the long term impact on medical workforce distribution and specialty choice of full-fee paying medical education in Australia.

Acknowledgements

The research on which this paper is based used data provided by the Medical Schools Outcomes Database (MSOD) Project, Medical Deans Australia and New Zealand. We are grateful to the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing for funding the project from 2004 – 2011, to Health Workforce Australia for funding from 2011 onwards and to the medical students and graduated doctors who participated.

Conflict of interest

None declared.

Correspondence

E Teo: eteo@outlook.com

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